“That Conversation about Race” category archive
They just can’t seem to help it. A snippet:
The woman claimed her car was broken into, then insisted that Black fit the description of the individual who was breaking into other cars at the complex because he was wearing a hoodie and a backpack.
The apartment complex said the person accused of the break-ins was actually described as a white adolescent on a bike with a red backpack, News 4 Nashville reported. He told the news station that he believed the woman accused him because he is Black.
It’s just how they roll.
Dartmouth professor Randall Balmer tells the story of the rise of the “religious right.” It’s not what you might think, and certainly not the stories they tell themselves. A nugget:
What really happened? According to Paul Weyrich, conservative activist and architect of the religious right, the movement started in the 1970s in response to attempts on the part of the Internal Revenue Service to rescind the tax-exempt status of whites-only segregation academies (many of them church sponsored) and Bob Jones University because of its segregationist policies.
Follow the link for the rest.
Many years ago, I visited Bob Jones U. while researching a paper I was working on for some class I forget which one but most likely a sociology class my senior year.
It was one of the spookiest places I have ever seen.
They are no longer vain of their vanity plates.
Honest to Pete, you can’t make this stuff up.
Tim Steller looks at the assumptions behind the voter fraud fraud and Arizona’s no-account recount. A snippet; follow the link for the rest.
That so-called audit springs from a worldview that has long tried to limit who can claim the mantle of “real American.” Anybody who doesn’t fit the preferred mold — conservative in politics, traditional in social and religious views — is discarded as illegitimate, “illegal,” a globalist, a fake American.
By logical extension, their votes should not count. And if their votes are counted, democracy itself is the problem.
In his list of characteristics, methinks he left out the one that underlies and ties together all the others: Whiteness.
Down home in Alabama . . . .
An Alabama therapist claimed she found a noose hanging in her backyard and received threatening calls about the Ku Klux Klan shortly after she reported a co-worker’s derogatory racial comments, according to a federal lawsuit she filed against her employer.
Much more rising again at the link.
In the midst of the current who-shot-john over whether students should be taught the truth about American’s history, Leonard Pitts, Jr., offers some thoughts on National Banned Books Week. A nugget:
That’s something worth remembering here in Banned Books Week, a yearly observation sponsored by the American Library Association to call attention to that crude human impulse that, with apologies to the Tennessee moms, stands against liberty of knowledge and ideas. There is, after all, a reason one of the first acts of the Nazi regime was a massive book burning — 25,000 texts consigned to the fire — and it wasn’t to celebrate freedom. The spirit of that atrocity lives on in Tennessee. And in Pennsylvania. And in America.
Donald Trump’s nondisclosure ploy with Omarosa fails badly when put to the test. Here’s a bit from the story at Above the Law:
Unfortunately for Team Trump, Jessica Denson, another ex-campaign staffer was simultaneously litigating an identical agreement in the Southern District of New York, and US District Judge Paul Gardephe ruled in March that the campaign’s non-disclosure and non-disparagement clauses were unenforceable under New York law.
The campaign attempted to distinguish between Denson and Manigault Newman, arguing that latter “warranted a strict confidentiality provision as a term of her employment, since Respondent was known to be ‘nasty’ and ‘confrontational’ on the television show.” The arbitrator found this line of reasoning “unpersuasive.”
The arbitrator did not point out the inherent filthiness of arguing that identical contracts mean different things when applied to a White woman and a “nasty” Black woman. But we will.
Sam, Emma, their guest, attorney and writer Sam Melo, discuss the history of immigration and immigration legislation in the United States.
The Atlanta Journal-Constitution’s Maureen Downey looks at efforts to change the names of schools honoring the Secesh and the obstacles those efforts are encountering. A snippet:
After the 2015 shooting at Mother Emanuel AME Church in Charleston, South Carolina, in which nine African Americans were murdered by a gunman radicalized by white supremacist websites, the Southern Poverty Law Center began to catalog all the Confederate symbols in public spaces across the country. In an update last month to its “Whose Heritage?” report, the center counted 1,747 Confederate monuments, place names and other symbols still in public spaces, including 195 schools. Georgia leads the nation in schools named for Confederates, followed by Texas with 40 and Alabama with 22.
The SPLC inventory revealed the effectiveness of a campaign by United Daughters of the Confederacy to rebrand the events of the Civil War as heroic, especially through the naming of Southern schools. “These names are living symbols of white supremacy, and there is a difference between remembering history and showing a reverence for it,” said Lecia Brooks, chief of staff for the SPLC, during a recent media briefing. “Removing namesakes that celebrate a revisionist Confederate past does not erase history; it corrects it.”